The Architecture Of Determiners
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The Architecture of Determiners
Work in morphology is typically concerned with productive word formation and regular inflection, in any event with open class categories such as verbs, nouns, and adjectives, and their various forms. The Architecture of Determiners, by contrast, is devoted to a set of function words: the closed class of determiners. While it is traditionally assumed that function words are syntactically atomic, Thomas Leu shows that a comparative perspective on a series of determiners - each insistently vivisected into its minimal morphotactic segments - reveals an anatomy with properties analogous to clausal syntax, including a lexical, an inflectional, and left peripheral layer, as well as transformational relations among subconstituents. Leu argues that determiners are extended adjectival projections with a closed class minimal stem. Leu focuses on Swiss German and German, using other Germanic and non-Germanic languages as a comparative domain. His discussion of the internal structure of determiners includes demonstratives (ch.2), distributive quantifiers (ch.4), possessive and negative determiners (ch.5), and interrogative determiners such as 'was f r' (ch.6). His main claim - that all of these involve extended adjectival projections - connects naturally to a discussion of adjectival / determiner inflection in German. Chapter 3 addresses the oft-debated strong versus weak agreement alternation in a novel way, proposing that the adjective moves within its own extended projection, in a way akin to verb movement to C in the clause. This accounts for the central facts of nominative and accusative inflection. Chapter 7, then, addresses dative and genitive morphology, setting them syntactically apart from adjectival / determiner inflection in a way that leads to a surprising account of most of the systematic (meta-) syncretism patterns in German adjectival inflection.
The Architecture of Determiners
Author: Thomas Leu
language: en
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Release Date: 2014-11-19
Work in morphology is typically concerned with productive word formation and regular inflection, in any event with open class categories such as verbs, nouns, and adjectives, and their various forms. The Architecture of Determiners, by contrast, is devoted to a set of function words: the closed class of determiners. While it is traditionally assumed that function words are syntactically atomic, Thomas Leu shows that a comparative perspective on a series of determiners - each insistently vivisected into its minimal morphotactic segments - reveals an anatomy with properties analogous to clausal syntax, including a lexical, an inflectional, and left peripheral layer, as well as transformational relations among subconstituents. Leu argues that determiners are extended adjectival projections with a closed class minimal stem. Leu focuses on Swiss German and German, using other Germanic and non-Germanic languages as a comparative domain. His discussion of the internal structure of determiners includes demonstratives (ch.2), distributive quantifiers (ch.4), possessive and negative determiners (ch.5), and interrogative determiners such as 'was für' (ch.6). His main claim - that all of these involve extended adjectival projections - connects naturally to a discussion of adjectival / determiner inflection in German. Chapter 3 addresses the oft-debated strong versus weak agreement alternation in a novel way, proposing that the adjective moves within its own extended projection, in a way akin to verb movement to C in the clause. This accounts for the central facts of nominative and accusative inflection. Chapter 7, then, addresses dative and genitive morphology, setting them syntactically apart from adjectival / determiner inflection in a way that leads to a surprising account of most of the systematic (meta-) syncretism patterns in German adjectival inflection.
The Syntax and Semantics of a Determiner System
Author: Diana Guillemin
language: en
Publisher: John Benjamins Publishing
Release Date: 2011-11-16
Within the framework of Chomsky’s Minimalism and Formal Semantics, this work documents the development of the Mauritian Creole (MC) determiner system from the mid 18th century to the present. Guillemin proposes that the loss of the French quantificational determiners, which agglutinated to nouns, resulted in the occurrence of bare nouns in argument positions. This triggered a shift in noun denotation, from predicative in French to argumental in MC, and accounts for the very different determiner systems of the creole and its lexifier. MC nouns are lexically stored as Kind denoting terms, that share some of the distributional properties of English bare plurals. New MC determiners are analyzed as ‘type shifting operators’ that shift Kinds into predicates, and serve to establish the referential properties of noun phrases. The analysis provides evidence for the universality of semantic features like Definiteness and Specificity, and the mapping of their form and function.