A European Security Architecture After The Cold War
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A European Security Architecture after the Cold War
A European Security Architecture after the Cold War provides a critical account of the re-projection and redefinition of Western values and security institutions in the post-Coldwar era. This transformation is explored in three stages. The first stage covers the period 1990-91 and explains the preservation of a `western security community' inherited from the Cold War, through a process of institutional reconstruction largely carried out on paper. The second stage from 1991 to 1992 sees the incorporation of a `purpose' for these institutions as a framework for the implementation of collective security. The third stage explores the emerging questions of legitimacy surrounding the new tasks of these institutions as they become embroiled in the war in the former Yugoslavia. The precedents of legitimate intervention in upholding democracy, free markets and human rights in the post-coldwar era are examined from the perspectives of international law and Gramscian derived concepts of legitimacy, focusing on the acceptance of military power by civil society, and how intervention in these terms becomes a 'cultural practice'.
The Dynamics of European Security Cooperation, 1945-91
The first integrated analysis of all aspects of security cooperation in western Europe from 1945 to 1991. It provides an accessible yet sophisticated survey of the wider dynamics of security cooperation in each decade throughout this period. It covers all aspects of security cooperation, which range from the political - such as a 'European' voice in arms control, to military - such as a 'European' input into NATO strategy, and economic - involving collaboration in defence technology and production.
Beyond NATO
Author: Michael E. O'Hanlon
language: en
Publisher: Brookings Institution Press
Release Date: 2017-08-15
In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.